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Michigan is now a full-service sports betting state! Michiganders and visitors to the state can place sports bets on their mobile devices, their computers, and several different retail locations around both mdjsjeux bettingadvice. The online launch in January marked the endpoint of a process that began in December Governor Gretchen Whitmer signed into law two bills, S and Hwhich legalized sports betting both online and in casinos. Incidentally, the two bills also legalized internet poker, online casino games and online fantasy sports. In short, Michigan is quite the destination for placing a bet now.

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The president also used the speech to address energy efficiency, setting a goal of cutting energy wasted by homes and businesses in half over the next twenty years. Much of that energy is wasted — 20 percent or more on average.

To achieve that, the administration may consider boosting energy efficiency standards on appliances like refrigerators, air conditioners and washers and dryers. And there is also the possibility that the administration will look into reducing hydrofluorocarbons, a greenhouse gas used primarily for refrigeration and cooling. State of the Union nonsense By George F. Some of the blame for this yearly night of nonsense goes to Ronald Reagan.

Most, however, goes to Woodrow Wilson. Reagan, who loved entertainment, pioneered the regrettable practice of stocking the House gallery with usually admirable people. When the Founding generation was developing customs and manners appropriate to a republic, George Washington and John Adams made the mistake of going to Congress to do their constitutional duty of informing and recommending.

Jefferson, however, disliked the sound of his voice — such an aversion is a vanishingly rare presidential virtue — and considered it monarchical for the executive to lecture the legislature, the lofty instructing underlings. Members of the other party remain theatrically stolid, thereby provoking brow-furrowing punditry about why John Boehner did not rise to genuflect? Tuesday night, the justices, generals and admirals, looking as awkward as wallflowers at a prom, at least stayed seated.

They missed a clunker of a speech , although the tedium was not much worse than usual, and was redeemed by clarifying three things. And spending this year would still be well above the post norm as a percentage of gross domestic product. Although Obama is a self-proclaimed respecter of science, he does not stoop to empiricism. Data are unkind to his assertion that climate change is causing storms to become more severe and drought to become more prevalent.

Calvin Coolidge did so in , four months after becoming president, but not a second time. State of the Union addresses are now integral to the apotheosis of the presidency. If government is going to be omniprovident, modern presidents are going to be omnipresent, and politics is going to be infantile.

Read more from George F. Thursday, February 14, 25 Most Motivational Quotes. Never excuse yourself. Never pity yourself. Be a hard master to yourself — and be lenient to everybody else. Never yield to force; never yield to the apparently overwhelming might of the enemy. Talent will not: Nothing is more common than unsuccessful men with talent. Genius will not: Unrewarded genius is almost a proverb. Education will not: The world is full of educated derelicts.

Persistence and determination alone are omnipotent. The difference is successful people do them anyway. No stopping, no maintenance weeks, no cheat meals. But, I was not going to be outworked! I was NOT going to be denied! And you know what? It was all worth it. And that is why I succeed. Giving up is what makes it permanent.

Winning is a habit. Unfortunately, so is losing. If you do, someday the cellophane will crackle off a fresh pack, one that belongs to you, and the cards will be stacked in your favor. How does he break open a giant boulder? He whacks it as hard as he can.

He persists even when his actions seem to be futile. So he keeps striking the rock. Did the final blow break the boulder open? Of course not. It was the constant pressure being applied to the challenge at hand. There are only plateaus, and you must not stay there, you must go beyond them. The credit belongs to the man who is actually in the Arena, whose face is marred by dust and sweat and blood; who strives valiantly; who errs and comes short again and again, because there is no effort without error and shortcoming; but he who does actually strive to do the deed; who knows the great devotion; who spends himself in a worthy cause, who at the best, knows in the end the triumph of high achievement, and who at the worst, if he fails while daring greatly, knows that his place shall never be with those cold and timid souls, who know neither victory nor defeat.

Staying down is how we die. Then: nothing. We've seen presidents, vice presidents, chiefs of staff and national security advisers during moments of international crisis. We know that in these moments human beings make mistakes. There are failures of communication and errors of judgment. Perfection certainly isn't the standard to which policy makers should be held. But there are standards. If Americans are under attack, presidential attention must be paid.

Due diligence must be demonstrated. A president must take care that his administration does everything it can do. On Sept. In a crisis, the president went AWOL. Martin Dempsey late last week, we know they met with President Obama on Sept. The meeting lasted about a half-hour. Panetta said they spent roughly 20 minutes of the session briefing the president on the chaos at the American Embassy in Cairo and the attack in Benghazi, which eventually cost the lives of Ambassador Christopher Stevens, security personnel Glen Doherty and Tyrone Woods, and information officer Sean Smith.

Secretary Panetta said the president left operational details, including determination of what resources were available to help the Americans under siege, "up to us. Panetta or Gen. Dempsey the rest of that evening or that night. Indeed, Mr. Panetta and Gen. Dempsey testified they had no further contact at all with anyone in the White House that evening—or, for that matter, with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. That's not all we discovered.

We now know that despite Gen. Dempsey having been informed of Ambassador Stevens's repeated warnings about the rise of terrorist elements in Benghazi, no forces were put in place or made ready nearby to respond to possible trouble. It also seems that during the actual attacks in Benghazi, which the administration followed in real time and which lasted for some eight hours, not a single major military asset was deployed to help rescue Americans under assault.

And we learned one other thing: Messrs. Panetta and Dempsey both knew on the night of the assault that it was a terrorist attack. Ambassador Susan Rice from peddling a false version of events in the days and even weeks that followed, as the administration called the incident spontaneous, said there was no evidence of a coordinated terrorist attack and blamed the violence on an anti-Muslim video.

So the White House, having failed to ensure that anything was done during the attack, went on to mislead the nation afterward. Why the deception? Presumably for two reasons. The first is that the true account of events undercut the president's claim during the campaign that al Qaeda was severely weakened in the aftermath of the killing of Osama bin Laden. The second is that a true account of what happened in Benghazi that night would have revealed that the president and his top national-security advisers did not treat a lethal attack by Islamic terrorists on Americans as a crisis.

The commander in chief not only didn't convene a meeting in the Situation Room; he didn't even bother to call his Defense secretary or the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Not a single presidential finger was lifted to help Americans under attack. This is an embarrassment and a disgrace. Is it too much to hope that President Obama is privately ashamed of his inattention and passivity that night? And that he has resolved, and instructed his senior staff, to take care that he not be derelict in his duty as commander in chief ever again?

Bush White House. A version of this article appeared February 11, , on page A13 in the U. According to Woodward, it was then-White House chief of staff Jack Lew who introduced the idea of sequestration into the debt-ceiling negotiations that subsumed Washington, D. That, according to both Woodward and Republican lawmakers, is how President Obama strong-armed sequestration into the Budget Control Act of , and why the president today bears responsibility for finding a way out of the problem he created.

The campaign also includes a Twitter hashtag, obamaquester, and an attempt to change the way Republicans are talking about the issue. In the sequestration debate, it may, ironically, be Bob Woodward who prevents that from happening. Barack Obama, for whom Emanuel was chief of staff, has become a potent gun salesman because of suspicions that he wants to make gun ownership more difficult. Since he was inaugurated four years ago, there have been 65 million requests for background checks of gun purchasers.

All this is being compared to the use of divestment to pressure South Africa to dismantle apartheid in the s. Apartheid was a wicked practice. Guns are legal products in America, legally sold under federal, state and local regulations.

Most of the guns sold to Americans are made by Americans. Others will profit handsomely from such holdings and from being complicit in supplying what the world needs. Fossil fuels, the basis of modern life, supply 82 percent of U. Or anything to do with red meat, sugar, salt, trans fats, chickens not lovingly raised. The Obama administration says 1 million will be sold by Maybe 70, have been so far. Just imagine how pension funds will prosper by betting on the next , BO Unleashed 2nd Term Nightmare.

After teleprompted presidential speeches, the commentariat was apparently still oblivious. Where has everyone been these four years? But the substance was no surprise. After all, Obama had unveiled his transformational agenda in his very first address to Congress, four years ago Feb.

Obama went on to essentially nationalize health care, 18 percent of the U. Washington now spends 24 percent of GDP, fully one-fifth higher than the postwar norm of 20 percent. It was a paean to big government. The first part of that agenda — clinging zealously to the increasingly obsolete structures of Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid — is the very definition of reactionary liberalism.

Social Security was created when life expectancy was Medicare was created when modern medical technology was in its infancy. Everyone knows that, unless reformed, they will swallow up the rest of the budget. As for the second part — enlargement — Obama had already begun that in his first term with Obamacare. The playbook is well known. As Czech President and economist Vaclav Klaus once explained, environmentalism is the successor to failed socialism as justification for all-pervasive rule by a politburo of experts.

Only now, it acts in the name of not the proletariat but the planet. This speech was spectacularly devoid of any acknowledgment of the central threat to the postindustrial democracies as already seen in Europe — the crisis of an increasingly insolvent entitlement state. On the contrary. Obama is the apostle of the ever-expanding state. His speech was an ode to the collectivity.

But by that he means only government, not the myriad of voluntary associations — religious, cultural, charitable, artistic, advocacy, ad infinitum — that are the glory of the American system. For Obama, nothing lies between citizen and state.

It is a desert, within which the isolated citizen finds protection only in the shadow of Leviathan. On Jan. Obama is no Clinton. He meant that Reagan had transformed the political zeitgeist, while Clinton accepted and thus validated the new Reaganite norm. Not Obama. His mission is to redeem and resurrect the year pre-Reagan liberal ascendancy. Accordingly, his second inaugural address, ideologically unapologetic and aggressive, is his historical marker, his self-proclamation as the Reagan of the left.

If he succeeds in these next four years, he will have earned the title. Labels: CK. It surely wasn't because of strict firearm laws. My replica of the Sears mail-order catalog shows 35 pages of firearm advertisements. People just sent in their money, and a firearm was shipped. John Lott, author of "More Guns, Less Crime," reports that until the s, some New York City public high schools had shooting clubs where students competed in citywide shooting contests for university scholarships.

They carried their rifles to school on the subways and, upon arrival, turned them over to their homeroom teacher or the gym coach and retrieved their rifles after school for target practice. Virginia's rural areas had a long tradition of high-school students going hunting in the morning before school and sometimes storing their rifles in the trunks of their cars that were parked on school grounds.

Often a youngster's 12th or 14th birthday present was a shiny new. Old-Fashioned Values Today's level of civility can't match yesteryear's. Many of today's youngsters begin the school day passing through metal detectors. Guards patrol school hallways, and police cars patrol outside. Despite these measures, assaults, knifings and shootings occur. According to the National Center for Education Statistics, in there were , nonfatal criminal incidents in schools.

There were , thefts and , violent attacks, of which 91, were serious. In the same year, , public-school teachers were physically attacked, and , were threatened. What explains today's behavior vs. For well over a half-century, the nation's liberals and progressives — along with the education establishment, pseudo-intellectuals and the courts — have waged war on traditions, customs and moral values.

These people taught their vision, that there are no moral absolutes, to our young people. To them, what's moral or immoral is a matter of convenience, personal opinion or a consensus. During the '50s and '60s, the education establishment launched its agenda to undermine lessons children learned from their parents and the church with fads such as "values clarification. Lessons of abstinence were ridiculed and considered passe and replaced with lessons about condoms, birth control pills and abortions.

Further undermining of parental authority came with legal and extralegal measures to assist teenage abortions with neither parental knowledge nor consent. Customs, traditions, moral values and rules of etiquette, not laws and government regulations, are what make for a civilized society. These behavioral norms — transmitted by example, word of mouth and religious teachings — represent a body of wisdom distilled through ages of experience, trial and error, and looking at what works.

The importance of customs, traditions and moral values as a means of regulating behavior is that people behave themselves even if nobody's watching. What About Civility? Police and laws can never replace these restraints on personal conduct so as to produce a civilized society.

At best, the police and criminal justice system are the last desperate line of defense for a civilized society. The more uncivilized we become the more laws that are needed to regulate behavior. Many customs, traditions and moral values have been discarded without an appreciation for the role they played in creating a civilized society, and now we're paying the price.

What's worse is that instead of a return to what worked, people want to replace what worked with what sounds good, such as zero-tolerance policies in which bringing a water pistol, drawing a picture of a pistol, or pointing a finger and shouting "bang-bang" produces a school suspension or arrest. Seeing as we've decided that we should rely on gun laws to control behavior, what should be done to regulate clubs and hammers? After all, FBI crime statistics show that more people are murdered by clubs and hammers than rifles and shotguns.

Whittaker Chambers, Witness by Whittaker Chambers recently turned 60, and journalists and scholars met at Yale University to celebrate this literary landmark and seminal text of the conservative movement. The discussion brought out divisions on the Right that actually go back to the Cold War. Chambers pulls the reader into his strange life: his service to Soviet military intelligence, his disillusionment and flight from the communist underground, and the obloquy he faced when the East Coast establishment circled the wagons around Hiss, a veteran of the U.

State Department. This is why Chambers wanted to make his book more than a spy story. Emulating Dostoevsky, he cast his account in dramatic philosophical and historical terms: The simple fact is that when I took up my little sling and aimed at Communism, I also hit something else.

What I hit was the forces of that great socialist revolution, which, in the name of liberalism, spasmodically, incompletely, somewhat formlessly, but always in the same direction, has been inching its ice cap over the nation for two decades. Hiss and others in government had helped the Russians in the s.

They were drawn to the Bolshevik cause during the economic crisis of the Depression, believing capitalism was doomed and state socialism was the wave of the future. At that time, the Kremlin was trolling for security and trade information not so much about the U.

This it obtained in Washington, through Chambers and other underground party couriers, from the files of sympathetic officials at State, Treasury, and other U. New Dealers and liberals were affronted by this belated accusation against polished and articulate Alger Hiss. They believed he was innocent — not a spy but merely a whipping boy of anticommunists, a symbol by which the Right could smear the New Deal as subversive. Elite opinion scorned Chambers and defended Hiss throughout congressional hearings, grand jury investigations, and two trials at the conclusion of which Hiss was convicted of perjury.

The Hiss-Chambers case formed a partisan and ideological fault line that was to stretch across the generations. Witness solidified this effect. Regnery brought the memoir out in a paperback edition during the second Reagan administration. It shaped the political and cultural outlook of a new generation of readers, among them yours truly. The sufferings of the world weigh upon all of us; that much I knew.

The adventurous young tend to want to save the world, and in Witness, the most adventurous are the most prey to tunnel vision and a distasteful sort of hubris. Others were impervious. The philosopher Sidney Hook, whom I interviewed in , bore this out. Hook had met the underground communist in the s through a mutual friend.

An expert on the ins and outs of the Hiss-Chambers case, Hook was also a walking history lesson on anticommunism — that glue holding together the otherwise fractious collection of people dedicated to defending the West in the Cold War.

One of the great anti-Stalinists, Hook was nonetheless a man of the Left. Hook took issue with Chambers, the onetime Stalinist, moving so much farther to the right than did Hook and the other intellectuals of their circle — radicals in their youth who later, in several cases, became identified with neoconservatism.

Chambers adopted Episcopalianism before seeking a home in the faith of his ancestors, Quakerism. The Friends were less than friendly; many supported Alger Hiss. Through it all, Hook felt for Chambers, whose sudden notoriety cost him his job as an editor of Time magazine. Hook believed Chambers, as did Trilling, and his wife, the writer Diana Trilling.

They declared Hiss guilty; on the other hand, they thought of Chambers as histrionic, a bit extreme. Hook regretted this in retrospect: I really almost have a sense of guilt that he should have borne all this suffering without relief or some sympathetic group which, [while] repudiating his ideas, could nonetheless accept him as a person. If he had had leprosy he could not have endured more denunciation and humiliation. Browsing Red publications for which Whittaker Chambers wrote.

Detail from mural by Victor Arnautoff, That the animus against Chambers had ripple effects was something Lionel Trilling discovered when he wrote a novel with a character in it based on Chambers. During the judicial proceedings and after, Hook found impressive the way in which Chambers rose above any personal ire toward Hiss.

The Left today is not very interested in beating up on Whittaker Chambers. Not since the Soviet Union fell, and intelligence records became available that made the guilt of Alger Hiss, and also of atom spies Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, inescapable. In his remarks he allowed that it is a great book by a great man but emphasized his qualms about the attitude it displays toward America. For all that Chambers turned away from socialism, said Podhoretz, he retained a dislike of capitalism that kept him from appreciating key aspects of freedom as Americans understand it.

No book, however great, that fails to affirm the free market can guide the Republican Party or conservatives today, he concluded. Sidney Hook, who passed away in , would have said to the contrary that you can have Social Security and unemployment insurance — and maybe even Obamacare — and not be on the road to serfdom.

In a free country, Hook reasoned, citizens can calibrate the size of their social safety net. By deciding to change their political leaders and change direction. They are promulgated in the mistaken belief that such dogmas will appease terrorists, or at least direct their ire elsewhere. But given the recent news — murdering in Algeria, war in Mali, the Syrian mess, and Libyan chaos — let us reexamine some of these more common heresies.

Such a review is especially timely, given that Mr. Brennan believed[1] that jihad is largely a personal quest for spiritual perfection; Mr. Kerry believed[2] that Bashar Assad was a potentially moderating reformer; and Mr. Hagel believed[3] that Iran was not worthy of sanctions, Hezbollah was not deserving of ostracism, and Israel is equally culpable for the Middle East mess.

Contact with the West Moderate Radical Muslims In theory, residence in the West could instruct young Muslim immigrants on the advantages of free markets, constitutional government, and legally protected freedoms. But in the abstract, far too many either despise what wealth and affluence do to the citizenry e.

Finally, foreign students, journalists, and religious expatriates tend to congregate around American campuses and in liberal big cities. He should appreciate the US. It gave him refuge from persecution in Egypt. It allowed unfettered expression of his radical anti-American views. It schooled him in meritocratic fashion and offered him secure employment at the CSU system, despite his foreign national status. It gave citizenship to two of his daughters apparently retained. But the result is that Mr.

He wants the imprisoned, murderous blind sheik, who was the architect of the first World Trade Center bombing, sent home to Egypt. Correct Score tips Read more. Over 2. Under 2. Both team to score tips Read more. Big Odds tips Read more. Subscribe for free Read more. Fixed Matches Read more. Vip predictions Read more. Cypriot Division 1. Best Bet: away-win-or-draw Full-Time Result 1.

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These facts should all be considered to place a successful bet on this match. The meeting lasted about a half-hour. Panetta said they spent roughly 20 minutes of the session briefing the president on the chaos at the American Embassy in Cairo and the attack in Benghazi, which eventually cost the lives of Ambassador Christopher Stevens, security personnel Glen Doherty and Tyrone Woods, and information officer Sean Smith.

Secretary Panetta said the president left operational details, including determination of what resources were available to help the Americans under siege, "up to us. Panetta or Gen. Dempsey the rest of that evening or that night. Indeed, Mr. Panetta and Gen. Dempsey testified they had no further contact at all with anyone in the White House that evening—or, for that matter, with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.

That's not all we discovered. We now know that despite Gen. Dempsey having been informed of Ambassador Stevens's repeated warnings about the rise of terrorist elements in Benghazi, no forces were put in place or made ready nearby to respond to possible trouble.

It also seems that during the actual attacks in Benghazi, which the administration followed in real time and which lasted for some eight hours, not a single major military asset was deployed to help rescue Americans under assault. And we learned one other thing: Messrs. Panetta and Dempsey both knew on the night of the assault that it was a terrorist attack.

Ambassador Susan Rice from peddling a false version of events in the days and even weeks that followed, as the administration called the incident spontaneous, said there was no evidence of a coordinated terrorist attack and blamed the violence on an anti-Muslim video.

So the White House, having failed to ensure that anything was done during the attack, went on to mislead the nation afterward. Why the deception? Presumably for two reasons. The first is that the true account of events undercut the president's claim during the campaign that al Qaeda was severely weakened in the aftermath of the killing of Osama bin Laden.

The second is that a true account of what happened in Benghazi that night would have revealed that the president and his top national-security advisers did not treat a lethal attack by Islamic terrorists on Americans as a crisis. The commander in chief not only didn't convene a meeting in the Situation Room; he didn't even bother to call his Defense secretary or the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

Not a single presidential finger was lifted to help Americans under attack. This is an embarrassment and a disgrace. Is it too much to hope that President Obama is privately ashamed of his inattention and passivity that night?

And that he has resolved, and instructed his senior staff, to take care that he not be derelict in his duty as commander in chief ever again? Bush White House. A version of this article appeared February 11, , on page A13 in the U. According to Woodward, it was then-White House chief of staff Jack Lew who introduced the idea of sequestration into the debt-ceiling negotiations that subsumed Washington, D.

That, according to both Woodward and Republican lawmakers, is how President Obama strong-armed sequestration into the Budget Control Act of , and why the president today bears responsibility for finding a way out of the problem he created. The campaign also includes a Twitter hashtag, obamaquester, and an attempt to change the way Republicans are talking about the issue. In the sequestration debate, it may, ironically, be Bob Woodward who prevents that from happening.

Barack Obama, for whom Emanuel was chief of staff, has become a potent gun salesman because of suspicions that he wants to make gun ownership more difficult. Since he was inaugurated four years ago, there have been 65 million requests for background checks of gun purchasers. All this is being compared to the use of divestment to pressure South Africa to dismantle apartheid in the s.

Apartheid was a wicked practice. Guns are legal products in America, legally sold under federal, state and local regulations. Most of the guns sold to Americans are made by Americans. Others will profit handsomely from such holdings and from being complicit in supplying what the world needs.

Fossil fuels, the basis of modern life, supply 82 percent of U. Or anything to do with red meat, sugar, salt, trans fats, chickens not lovingly raised. The Obama administration says 1 million will be sold by Maybe 70, have been so far. Just imagine how pension funds will prosper by betting on the next , BO Unleashed 2nd Term Nightmare.

After teleprompted presidential speeches, the commentariat was apparently still oblivious. Where has everyone been these four years? But the substance was no surprise. After all, Obama had unveiled his transformational agenda in his very first address to Congress, four years ago Feb. Obama went on to essentially nationalize health care, 18 percent of the U. Washington now spends 24 percent of GDP, fully one-fifth higher than the postwar norm of 20 percent.

It was a paean to big government. The first part of that agenda — clinging zealously to the increasingly obsolete structures of Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid — is the very definition of reactionary liberalism. Social Security was created when life expectancy was Medicare was created when modern medical technology was in its infancy.

Everyone knows that, unless reformed, they will swallow up the rest of the budget. As for the second part — enlargement — Obama had already begun that in his first term with Obamacare. The playbook is well known. As Czech President and economist Vaclav Klaus once explained, environmentalism is the successor to failed socialism as justification for all-pervasive rule by a politburo of experts. Only now, it acts in the name of not the proletariat but the planet.

This speech was spectacularly devoid of any acknowledgment of the central threat to the postindustrial democracies as already seen in Europe — the crisis of an increasingly insolvent entitlement state. On the contrary.

Obama is the apostle of the ever-expanding state. His speech was an ode to the collectivity. But by that he means only government, not the myriad of voluntary associations — religious, cultural, charitable, artistic, advocacy, ad infinitum — that are the glory of the American system.

For Obama, nothing lies between citizen and state. It is a desert, within which the isolated citizen finds protection only in the shadow of Leviathan. On Jan. Obama is no Clinton. He meant that Reagan had transformed the political zeitgeist, while Clinton accepted and thus validated the new Reaganite norm. Not Obama. His mission is to redeem and resurrect the year pre-Reagan liberal ascendancy. Accordingly, his second inaugural address, ideologically unapologetic and aggressive, is his historical marker, his self-proclamation as the Reagan of the left.

If he succeeds in these next four years, he will have earned the title. Labels: CK. It surely wasn't because of strict firearm laws. My replica of the Sears mail-order catalog shows 35 pages of firearm advertisements. People just sent in their money, and a firearm was shipped. John Lott, author of "More Guns, Less Crime," reports that until the s, some New York City public high schools had shooting clubs where students competed in citywide shooting contests for university scholarships.

They carried their rifles to school on the subways and, upon arrival, turned them over to their homeroom teacher or the gym coach and retrieved their rifles after school for target practice. Virginia's rural areas had a long tradition of high-school students going hunting in the morning before school and sometimes storing their rifles in the trunks of their cars that were parked on school grounds. Often a youngster's 12th or 14th birthday present was a shiny new.

Old-Fashioned Values Today's level of civility can't match yesteryear's. Many of today's youngsters begin the school day passing through metal detectors. Guards patrol school hallways, and police cars patrol outside. Despite these measures, assaults, knifings and shootings occur.

According to the National Center for Education Statistics, in there were , nonfatal criminal incidents in schools. There were , thefts and , violent attacks, of which 91, were serious. In the same year, , public-school teachers were physically attacked, and , were threatened. What explains today's behavior vs.

For well over a half-century, the nation's liberals and progressives — along with the education establishment, pseudo-intellectuals and the courts — have waged war on traditions, customs and moral values. These people taught their vision, that there are no moral absolutes, to our young people. To them, what's moral or immoral is a matter of convenience, personal opinion or a consensus.

During the '50s and '60s, the education establishment launched its agenda to undermine lessons children learned from their parents and the church with fads such as "values clarification. Lessons of abstinence were ridiculed and considered passe and replaced with lessons about condoms, birth control pills and abortions. Further undermining of parental authority came with legal and extralegal measures to assist teenage abortions with neither parental knowledge nor consent.

Customs, traditions, moral values and rules of etiquette, not laws and government regulations, are what make for a civilized society. These behavioral norms — transmitted by example, word of mouth and religious teachings — represent a body of wisdom distilled through ages of experience, trial and error, and looking at what works. The importance of customs, traditions and moral values as a means of regulating behavior is that people behave themselves even if nobody's watching. What About Civility?

Police and laws can never replace these restraints on personal conduct so as to produce a civilized society. At best, the police and criminal justice system are the last desperate line of defense for a civilized society. The more uncivilized we become the more laws that are needed to regulate behavior. Many customs, traditions and moral values have been discarded without an appreciation for the role they played in creating a civilized society, and now we're paying the price.

What's worse is that instead of a return to what worked, people want to replace what worked with what sounds good, such as zero-tolerance policies in which bringing a water pistol, drawing a picture of a pistol, or pointing a finger and shouting "bang-bang" produces a school suspension or arrest. Seeing as we've decided that we should rely on gun laws to control behavior, what should be done to regulate clubs and hammers?

After all, FBI crime statistics show that more people are murdered by clubs and hammers than rifles and shotguns. Whittaker Chambers, Witness by Whittaker Chambers recently turned 60, and journalists and scholars met at Yale University to celebrate this literary landmark and seminal text of the conservative movement. The discussion brought out divisions on the Right that actually go back to the Cold War.

Chambers pulls the reader into his strange life: his service to Soviet military intelligence, his disillusionment and flight from the communist underground, and the obloquy he faced when the East Coast establishment circled the wagons around Hiss, a veteran of the U. State Department. This is why Chambers wanted to make his book more than a spy story. Emulating Dostoevsky, he cast his account in dramatic philosophical and historical terms: The simple fact is that when I took up my little sling and aimed at Communism, I also hit something else.

What I hit was the forces of that great socialist revolution, which, in the name of liberalism, spasmodically, incompletely, somewhat formlessly, but always in the same direction, has been inching its ice cap over the nation for two decades. Hiss and others in government had helped the Russians in the s. They were drawn to the Bolshevik cause during the economic crisis of the Depression, believing capitalism was doomed and state socialism was the wave of the future.

At that time, the Kremlin was trolling for security and trade information not so much about the U. This it obtained in Washington, through Chambers and other underground party couriers, from the files of sympathetic officials at State, Treasury, and other U. New Dealers and liberals were affronted by this belated accusation against polished and articulate Alger Hiss.

They believed he was innocent — not a spy but merely a whipping boy of anticommunists, a symbol by which the Right could smear the New Deal as subversive. Elite opinion scorned Chambers and defended Hiss throughout congressional hearings, grand jury investigations, and two trials at the conclusion of which Hiss was convicted of perjury. The Hiss-Chambers case formed a partisan and ideological fault line that was to stretch across the generations.

Witness solidified this effect. Regnery brought the memoir out in a paperback edition during the second Reagan administration. It shaped the political and cultural outlook of a new generation of readers, among them yours truly. The sufferings of the world weigh upon all of us; that much I knew.

The adventurous young tend to want to save the world, and in Witness, the most adventurous are the most prey to tunnel vision and a distasteful sort of hubris. Others were impervious. The philosopher Sidney Hook, whom I interviewed in , bore this out. Hook had met the underground communist in the s through a mutual friend.

An expert on the ins and outs of the Hiss-Chambers case, Hook was also a walking history lesson on anticommunism — that glue holding together the otherwise fractious collection of people dedicated to defending the West in the Cold War. One of the great anti-Stalinists, Hook was nonetheless a man of the Left. Hook took issue with Chambers, the onetime Stalinist, moving so much farther to the right than did Hook and the other intellectuals of their circle — radicals in their youth who later, in several cases, became identified with neoconservatism.

Chambers adopted Episcopalianism before seeking a home in the faith of his ancestors, Quakerism. The Friends were less than friendly; many supported Alger Hiss. Through it all, Hook felt for Chambers, whose sudden notoriety cost him his job as an editor of Time magazine. Hook believed Chambers, as did Trilling, and his wife, the writer Diana Trilling. They declared Hiss guilty; on the other hand, they thought of Chambers as histrionic, a bit extreme. Hook regretted this in retrospect: I really almost have a sense of guilt that he should have borne all this suffering without relief or some sympathetic group which, [while] repudiating his ideas, could nonetheless accept him as a person.

If he had had leprosy he could not have endured more denunciation and humiliation. Browsing Red publications for which Whittaker Chambers wrote. Detail from mural by Victor Arnautoff, That the animus against Chambers had ripple effects was something Lionel Trilling discovered when he wrote a novel with a character in it based on Chambers. During the judicial proceedings and after, Hook found impressive the way in which Chambers rose above any personal ire toward Hiss.

The Left today is not very interested in beating up on Whittaker Chambers. Not since the Soviet Union fell, and intelligence records became available that made the guilt of Alger Hiss, and also of atom spies Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, inescapable. In his remarks he allowed that it is a great book by a great man but emphasized his qualms about the attitude it displays toward America.

For all that Chambers turned away from socialism, said Podhoretz, he retained a dislike of capitalism that kept him from appreciating key aspects of freedom as Americans understand it. No book, however great, that fails to affirm the free market can guide the Republican Party or conservatives today, he concluded. Sidney Hook, who passed away in , would have said to the contrary that you can have Social Security and unemployment insurance — and maybe even Obamacare — and not be on the road to serfdom.

In a free country, Hook reasoned, citizens can calibrate the size of their social safety net. By deciding to change their political leaders and change direction. They are promulgated in the mistaken belief that such dogmas will appease terrorists, or at least direct their ire elsewhere. But given the recent news — murdering in Algeria, war in Mali, the Syrian mess, and Libyan chaos — let us reexamine some of these more common heresies.

Such a review is especially timely, given that Mr. Brennan believed[1] that jihad is largely a personal quest for spiritual perfection; Mr. Kerry believed[2] that Bashar Assad was a potentially moderating reformer; and Mr. Hagel believed[3] that Iran was not worthy of sanctions, Hezbollah was not deserving of ostracism, and Israel is equally culpable for the Middle East mess.

Contact with the West Moderate Radical Muslims In theory, residence in the West could instruct young Muslim immigrants on the advantages of free markets, constitutional government, and legally protected freedoms. But in the abstract, far too many either despise what wealth and affluence do to the citizenry e. Finally, foreign students, journalists, and religious expatriates tend to congregate around American campuses and in liberal big cities.

He should appreciate the US. It gave him refuge from persecution in Egypt. It allowed unfettered expression of his radical anti-American views. It schooled him in meritocratic fashion and offered him secure employment at the CSU system, despite his foreign national status.

It gave citizenship to two of his daughters apparently retained. But the result is that Mr. He wants the imprisoned, murderous blind sheik, who was the architect of the first World Trade Center bombing, sent home to Egypt.

And he is pushing Egypt into a Sunni version of Iran. All small nations have writs against large ones, especially the globally ubiquitous US. But America must be seen in comparison to … what? China, which outlaws free expression of Islam and persecutes Muslim minorities? Both are largely left alone by al Qaeda, due to their unapologetic attitudes, possible unpredictable response, and inability to offer attackers a globalized media forum.

In contrast, no single nation lets in more Muslim immigrants than does the US. No nation has so sought to save Muslims from dictatorial violence — whether bombing European Christians to save Muslims in the Balkans; jawboning Kuwaitis to spare Palestinian turncoats in ; trying to feed starving Somalis; aiding Muslims fighting Russians in Afghanistan; freeing Kuwaitis from Saddam; rebuilding Iraq; rebuilding Afghanistan from Taliban terror; trying to free Libyans from Gadhafi; and on and on.

The sources of radical Islamic rage are thus not past US actions. Zawahiri alleged were the roots of their anger at the US. So why exactly does radical Islam hate us? Mostly because of the age-old wages[10] of insecurity, envy, and a sense of inferiority — and the hunch that such gripes win apologies, attention, and sometimes money.

In a globalized world, Muslims see daily that everyone from South Koreans to North Americans are better off. In their view, not because of market economies, meritocracies, gender equality, religious pluralism, consensual government, and the Western menu of personal freedom.

To draw that conclusion would mean to reject tribalism, gender apartheid, religious intolerance, anti-Semitism, statism, authoritarianism, and conspiracy theory — and to admit indigenous rather than foreign causation. All antidotes to these deductive beliefs — foreign aid, democratization, outreach, better communications — have so far proved ambiguous at best.

First, it has nothing to do with Israel. Second, the Muslim world is largely silent about the carnage that dwarfs the toll of an Israeli response to missiles from Gaza. The Muslim world cannot do anything about Muslim-on-Muslim violence, but apparently thinks others can do a great deal about Israeli-on-Muslim violence, which is sporadic at best. Why, then, do Westerners so often scapegoat Israel? We have influence with Westernized and liberal Israel, none with Mr. Morsi or the Libyan assassins or the Algerian hostage-killers.

Symbolic pressure is a psychological mechanism to excuse factual impotence. The Arab world is so complex and so torn by tribalism, religious schisms, and embedded pathologies that the Western mind seeks a simple sword stroke to Israel to cut such a complex Gordian knot. For now the problem is supposed to be Mr.

Netanyahu, who in appearance and speech seems like an easily demonized American neocon. Yet every writ against Israel is elsewhere in the world commonplace and mostly ignored: our drone killings trump their targeted assassinations; a divided Nicosia trumps Jerusalem; occupied islands off Japan or Tibet trump the West Bank; a million ethnically cleansed Jews from Arab capitals or 13 million Germans cleansed from Eastern Europe trump the Arab flight from Palestine. We did that, ended the year containment and no-fly-zones, and defeated a huge Islamist coalition that flocked to Iraq to wage jihad.

That said, Iraq is more stable than Syria or Libya largely because a US presence baby-sat democratic change. To the degree that Iraq will revert to the usual Arab paradigm is probably contingent on the fact that the US refused to leave even a small garrison and simply pulled out lock, stock, and barrel. Morsi may make the kleptocratic Mubarak look good in another year. Take your pick in Syria: the murderous security of the Assad secret police or the murderous chaos of Islamist gangs.

I am sure that there are Google execs among all the dissidents, but I am also sure that none will come to power — and most will soon flee their respective countries. Eastern Europe — warped by a half-century of Soviet-imposed communism, torn by past wars between Russia and Europe, with a baleful legacy of Ottoman occupation in the southeast, and distant from the Renaissance, Reformation, and New World exploration — was saved by its Western heritage and its incorporation into Europe, at least for now.

As far as the Muslim world, I see no such heritage or possible like-minded interventions from the West. Perhaps someday, globalization or Westernized oil-fed elites in the manner of a Dubai may make a difference — or perhaps not. The therapeutic approach sends the message to the young terrorist that we are in some way culpable for the violence that he intends to commit, that there may not be dangerous repercussions to his terrorist acts, or that we do not believe in the values of our culture as much as he does in his own.

September 11 taught us that premodern killers can still reach postmodern Westerners. Oil revenues will give Iran not just the bomb, but in ten years the ability to rocket it to Europe and perhaps the US. If there is to be a Persian nuke, there may well be soon an Egyptian or Saudi one as well.

Pakistan at any moment could lose its warheads to al Qaedists. Rising Muslim populations in Europe — the embryo of the Holocaust — are already changing its geo-politics. A characteristic of radical Islam is nihilism, the morbid desire to destroy all that it cannot create. In short, we must continue our anti-terrorism vigilance, maintain our military strength, speak honestly to the public, and seek alliances with sympathetic nations who share our views about radical Islam.

What Then? More importantly, it is time to reassess our posture in the Muslim world. Giving billions of dollars in aid to Mr. We should quietly chart a five-year plan to reach zero aid, a cut-off that could be reassessed should Morsi prove a reformer fat chance.

Ditto diminishing aid to Pakistan, and the Palestinians. The key is not loud lecturing, but just a quiet yet steady twist of the spigot in the off direction. If anti-Americanism earns US money Pakistan and Palestine just polled the most anti-American of all nations , then perhaps no US money might earn a little pro-Americanism.

Our immigration policy in general is wrecked. But we should radically reassess granting visas to those from non-democratic countries in the Middle East. This hiatus need not be permanent, but again can send a quiet message that there are wages to anti-Americanism. Oil and natural gas self-sufficiency are now possible in a way undreamed of just four years ago. In other words, there are now real answers to our age-old worries: a stop to predicating our national security on the Persian Gulf; an end to the Arab League holding our foreign policy hostage; a stop to berating Israel and courting Hamas; a curtailing of our disastrous imbalance of payments caused by importing over-priced oil — as well as the possibility of exchanging coal for clean-burning natural gas, creating millions of new jobs at home, and earning revenues to help pay down the deficit.

Not developing new wells on public lands and cancelling the Keystone pipeline are not just mistaken, but mistaken to the degree of lunacy. To the degree that the administration quietly kept in place most of the Bush-Cheney anti-terrorism protocols that it had in campaign-mode so opportunistically derided, and to the degree that its own loud new initiatives either were shelved or faced a storm of opposition in Congress, we have been kept safe for another four years.

Labels: VDH. Europe's Wishes Came True. Conservatives Future - VDH. January 27, What Is the Future of Conservatism? Nor was akin to the revulsion against Watergate and the Republicans that led to Jimmy Carter — and four years later to Ronald Reagan.

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